Jamiat Ulemai-i-Islam in the Politics of North West Frontier Province Pakistan (1947-1980)

Abstract

The claim of Ulema in the political affairs of Indian Muslims in pre-partition and later in Pakistan’s polity is very crucial. The debate about their role in politics has been continued even to the present 21st century. However, this debate initiated in the early of the 20th Century when Deobandi Ulema transformed and involved in Indian Muslim politics through the platform of Jamiat-ul Ulema-i-Hind (JUH) formed in 1919. Afterwards, they became active with reciprocated strategy of constitutional struggle in the politics of North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, under the banner of Jamiat-ul Ulema-i- Sarhad (JUS) formed in 1927. The latter aimed and articulated unanimity, collaborated with Ulema and the masses for the reformation of the Pukhtun cultural riwaj in pre-partition period. The Shariat campaign of 1930s in NWFP launched by the JUS for the legitimacy of the Muslim women rights was translated by the provincial legislature in to the Shariat Application Act of 1937 and passed as Muslim Personal Law Act. In early 1940s, the Frontier Muslim League (FML), a local branch of All India Muslim League (AIML) was busy in promoting the idea of a Nationalist Pakistan among the Pukhtuns on the one hand. On the other hand, the Deobandi Ulema from JUS, the local chapter under the influence of JUH led by Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani were brawling for the idea of composite Indian Nationalism in NWFP. However, to help the AIML, a section of Deobandi Ulema came forward under the leadership of Maulana Shabir Shabir Ahmed Usmani and formed All India Jamiat-ul Ulema-i- Islam (AIJUI) in October 1945 at Calcutta. After Pakistan’s achievement in 1947, All Pakistan Jamiat-ul UIema-i- Islam (APJUI) was formed at Karachi and in spite of its organizational activities, it initiated the vii Islamization of Pakistan. As the constitutional debate progressed in the country, the Deobandi Ulema from JUS and newly formed Jamaat-i- Najia in NWFP also articulated their public demand for supporting and institutionalizing the Shariat principles in Pakistan which resulted in the passage of Objective Resolution in 1949. Though, JUS endeavored for the solidarity of its Islamic agenda and Pakistan’s security through its involvement in various religio- political movements such as Pukhtunistan, Karachi Ulema Convention and Tehrik-i- Khatm-i- Nabuwwat (1952- 53). However, despite their pro- Pakistan sentiments, Ulema from JUS were tortured and dispersed by Khan Qaiyum’s provincial government. Resultantly, these Ulema remained dormant and they could not unite themselves on a single platform till 1955. Eventually, the Ulema from JUS re-organized themselves under the banner of Markazi Jamiat-ul Ulema-i-Islam, West Pakistan (MJUIWP) popularly known as JUI in a convention held at Multan in 1956. The promulgation of Ayub’s Martial law in 1958 transformed Ulema from JUI and they established a new organization of Nizam ul Ulema. Later, that organization involved in electoral politics and Maulana Hazarvi and Mufti Mahmud were sent to the parliament by the BDs from the Frontier region in the elections held in 1960. During the entire period of Ayub’s regime, JUI manifested its anti-podal politics, however, in the early of 1969, it joined the opposition’s Democratic Action Committee (DAC) to oust Ayub’s government. Surprisingly, in the election results of the first general elections of Pakistan, held in December 1970, JUI became prominent in Frontier’s politics as it appeared the third largest party in the National Assembly of Pakistan. In post 1970s, JUI emerged as a mature political party and manifested its vote, office and policy seeking behavior for its Islamic project in Pakistan, in general, and in NWFP, in particular. Due to JUI’s broadened support and potential for alliance viii formation, it remained successful in the formation of coalition government by joining hands with NAP in NWFP and implemented its afore-mentioned Islamic agenda. The researcher has assumed and has applied the three rational models of the Strom’s Behavioral theory of competitive political parties, augmented by normative factors to JUI for its post-1970 politics in the country. Under the alliances of United Democratic Front (UDF), Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), and Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD), JUI struggled to influence the national politics in the subsequent years ranging from 1973 to 1980. The MRD coalition was important as the Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) was socialist and JUI was with its Islamic orientation, however, the interaction and collaboration of these parties, later fashioned Pakistan’s polity to ordain Islamic socialism and Islamic democracy respectively. Though, these Deobandi Ulema tenaciously struggled for unity within their own circles, however, due to personality centered politics and impact of internal and external normative factors, JUI suffered from frequent factionalism. Likewise, after the demise of Mufti Mahmud, JUI got split into two factions, the JUI (F) and JUI (Darkhwasti, later Samiul Haq). The current two factions JUI (F) and JUI (S) with their respective family centered politics in Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (former NWFP) are the descendants of JUI. The present study aimed at: to highlight the emergence, growth and development of JUS in the politics of Frontier province in pre-partition period; to evaluate the formation of All India Jamiat-ul Ulema-i- Islam (AIJUI) in 1945 and its capacity in the final phase of Pakistan Movement; to bring on record the role of JUS in NWFP during 1947-55 with reference to its stand on major national and provincial issues; to highlight how the Ulema from JUS reorganized themselves under the banner of JUI in 1956; to figure out the role of JUI in Ayub Khan's era, in the General Elections of ix 1970 in NWFP, its predominance in the administration of the then NWFP and its handling of provincial affairs; to ascertain the Islamic scheme of JUI and socialist position of PPP and their respective activism from 1972 to 1977; to examine the factors that resulted in the factionalism of JUI into factions like JUI (F) and JUI (S) and finally, to analyze the political standing of JUI in Pakistan’s politics from the Pukhtuns’ perspective since 1947 till 1980 in NWFP (present Khyber Pakhtunkhwa).