Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://prr.hec.gov.pk/jspui/handle/123456789/16564
Title: Threats and Challenges to Parliamentary Supremacy in Pakistan from 2008-2013
Authors: , Ismat Ullah
Keywords: Social Sciences
Pakistan Studies
Issue Date: 2019
Publisher: Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
Abstract: The research work explores the threats and challenges to „parliamentary supremacy‟ in Pakistan from 2008 2013. The „parliamentary supremacy‟ is one of the basic norms of parliamentary system of government. It is the essence of the system without which it can‟t function properly. It is the reason that in healthy parliamentary democracies, the supremacy of parliament is observed as an established norm of the system. Members of parliament are elected by citizens. Cabinet usually consists of members of parliament and enjoys power so long it has the confidence of the majority of the assembly and the elected assembly enjoys supremacy over all institutions of the state. Under the system prime minister or head of the government is real chief executive while president or head of the state enjoys only ceremonial powers and acts on the advice of prime minister. It clearly reflects homogeneity in its character. However, in Pakistan there is heterogeneity. The civilian executives and national parliament are unstable and fragile, while the establishment led by Pakistan army is powerful enough to dictate political executives and national parliament. Quite often it has dismissed political governments and dissolved elected assemblies. Throughout the political history of Pakistan, the successive parliaments have opted for parliamentary system of government through various constitutional documents but the parliament has never ensured it supremacy in letter and spirit. To counter the powerful establishment, the popular political forces evolved a new strategy of consensual and reconciliatory politics under the spirit of Charter of Democracy (COD).It is in this context argued that the post COD era is new era of consensual politics in which political forces developed consensus on minimal democratic principles. The old pattern of contentious and adversarial politics was dismantled and the „parliamentary supremacy‟ was restored at least in letter in the constitutional document through Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment. However, military establishment has deep rooted institutional stakes in politics. To counter the reconciliatory politics of COD political leadership, the institution of military and its core intelligence agency, the ISI not only directly threatened the democratic institutions and utilized time tested allopathic strategy but also supported the institutions of judiciary and media to pose challenges to „parliamentary supremacy‟ through homeopathic strategies. All this was done to fulfil institutional objectives in the post COD scenario. Although, different research scholars and academics have worked on the constitutional and political development from time to time, yet the present area has not been focused exclusively and herein lies the importance of this research project which specifically focuses on the threats and challenges to „parliamentary supremacy‟. Moreover majority of research work has almost been done before COD when the approach of the military establishment was allopathic one. The non-representative institutions in post COD era have developed homeopathic strategies against „parliamentary supremacy‟. The research work has not only focused the threats and challenges to „parliamentary supremacy‟ during the post COD era but has also brought certain challenges of pre COD era. It is therefore, a pioneer work on the subject which addresses the key question that what were the threats and challenges to „parliamentary supremacy‟ in Pakistan during post Charter of Democracy (COD) period?
Gov't Doc #: 21433
URI: http://prr.hec.gov.pk/jspui/handle/123456789/16564
Appears in Collections:PhD Thesis of All Public / Private Sector Universities / DAIs.

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